Saturday, October 13, 2018

The Corporate Conspiracy of Marijuana Prohibition and the War on Hemp


by Zvi Baranoff

Jack Herer wrote and published the first edition of The Emperor Wears No Clothes in 1985. The book went through multiple editions over the years, improved in style, layout and depth of historical information. It is an incredible phenomenon of a book covering damn near everything about cannabis.

Of course, writing about weed by 1985 was nothing new. Lots of materials were widely available long before then. The Emperor Wears No Clothes, besides the depth and expansiveness of the information is groundbreaking from an analytical perspective.

What Jack Herer brought to the table was a new way of understanding cannabis prohibition. Jack connected the dots to why marijuana was criminalized in 1937. He flipped the standard understanding over and revealed a far more logical analysis.

The standard understanding of marijuana prohibition - and the way most people still perceive it to be - is that it started as a misplaced social programming aimed at correcting some perceived social problem. Additionally, prohibition served as a mechanism of social control. We believed that hemp had been outlawed as an unfortunate collateral damage in the war on pot. We had it all backwards. It was a war on hemp!

Marijuana prohibition really had nothing to do with reefer. In 1937 hardly anyone smoked the stuff. There was no reefer problem. The reefer “crisis” was manufactured to bring about the conditions to suppress and displace the hemp industry.

Marijuana prohibition was an economic coup d'état, an orchestrated governmental manipulation of the markets by the interests of the wood pulp industry, nylon and petroleum. The result of this criminal conspiracy was to further consolidate wealth while doing ongoing damage to the health of the planet.

The displacement of hemp allowed a handful of very greedy and cutthroat robber barons to hijack the economy in their interests at the detriment of the economy and ecology of the whole. Prohibition is a criminal conspiracy. The criminal enterprises that orchestrated the coup need to be brought to justice, their assets should be seized to make reparations for the damage done.

Sunday, October 7, 2018

a head full of poetry




by Zvi Baranoff

I wake with a head full of poetry

and then

morning clarity

wiped clean are all the words, all the thoughts, all the wisdom
and cleverness

even before the first cup of coffee

I woke up with a head full of poetry
and before I knew it all that was left was the memory of poetry





Saturday, August 18, 2018

A Small Fish From Camden, New Jersey

by Zvi Baranoff

I was born in Camden, New Jersey in the late nineteen fifties but my family moved to Pennsauken, a working class suburb when I was still quite young, just over the border line into the perceived safety of an all white neighborhood, a few blocks east of the imaginary line that separated suburb from city.

At the time, there was still some centering aspect to the city but it was quickly fading as the racial and economic shifting of the early sixties unfolded.

Camden had become a rough and deteriorating place but had not yet become known as the Murder Capital of the USA. There were two synagogues still in Camden. Most of the congregation of each had already moved eastward into the suburbs as part of the general white flight, but the synagogues hung on in the once Jewish neighborhoods that were by then mostly Black. The Conservative one that my family belonged to was near the old center of town and an Orthodox one was further east, on the other side of the town. There was a Jewish bakery and a Jewish deli on Marlton Pike which was part of a business zone just inside the city and not far from the place where I actually grew up.  Both synagogues not much later followed their congregations, settling comfortably into Cherry Hill where shopping malls and expansive lawns defined the terrain. So did pretty much all of Camden's businesses and the city more and more took on the look and feel of a war zone.

In the early sixties, my father worked in the city and I attended a Jewish day school adjacent to the old synagogue with the big stained glass windows and wonderful acoustics. We carpooled to school back then, over a cobblestoned street, past Woodrow Wilson High School and a huge park with ancient oak trees. Woodrow Wilson was my father's alma mater. The school was all Black by this time. We would go to the football games on occasion to root for the home team, and wave the black and orange in solidarity with the team that my father had once played on. My sister by then was attending Pennsauken High, a loyal cheerleader for the red and blue, the Pennsauken Indians. It was all the same to me, still being a small fry.

When Martin Luther King was assassinated the classes at the synagogue school were cancelled, fears of Black rioting evident in the eyes of the adults in charge. This dynamic was certainly not lost on even our young and impressionable minds. The old synagogue building not long later was transferred into the hands of a Baptist congregation, the ethnic and religious transformation of that neighborhood completed.

The neighborhood where I grew up was made up of blocks of identically constructed duplexes. Each had a small closely cropped and fairly well manicured lawn, front and back, with two storeyed, three bedroom residents and a shared wall with families living separate lives on each side of that wall. The stairway was along the dividing wall and I am sure the neighboring family could hear me running up and down the stairs. My oldest sister's husband would call me T.H. which was short for Thundering Herd. We could hear the tea kettle whistle through our kitchen wall so surely they could hear my clumping.



Most of the houses had fenced back yards, four nearly identical lawns meeting at a corner. Families would personalise their residences with limited plantings as well as changes to the facades and minor construction and such but they were still cookie cutter units with every one of them pretty much the same inside and out. There was somewhat of a feeling of security in all that sameness. As a kid I would cut through the backyards and over the low chain linked fences rather than take the long trek around the block. One property even had a gate to make that crossing smoother. I had heard stories of men coming home late after a seriously heavy drinking session and ending up in the wrong house, asleep in the wrong bed. I suppose that is a possibility.

My family added a side entrance to the basement, or rec room as it may have been called to give it more of a suburban feel, and had a screened porch built on the side as well where we had family gatherings and Fourth of July picnics and such. My mother used the basement as her workspace, a seamstress she was, a trade that was built into her DNA perhaps as her father was a tailor amongst other things. Clients would come from Cherry Hill and other truer suburban areas to my mother and she would make or alter their clothes.

We had a large TV down there in our mixed use basement.  The TV was on most all the time. My mother liked the background noise while she worked. I remember her sitting at the sewing machine almost all the time, often falling asleep with herself propped up at her work station.

I remember getting our first color TV set, a monster of a thing with a colossal tube in the back of it, nestled in a cabinet. My mother liked to watch her soaps and baseball games. I liked cartoons and Captain Kangaroo and Sally Starr, host of Popeye Theater which was a local children's TV show out of Philly. Sally Starr wore cowgirl outfits with boots and hats and rhinestones and all that. She introduced the cartoons. Her opening line was, "Hope you feel as good as you look, 'cause you sure look good to your gal Sal." She closed with "May the Good Lord be blessing you and your family. Bye for now!" If I needed to change clothes I would stand behind the TV because I didn't want Sally Starr to see my little pecker or bare ass. She would make guest appearances back then and autograph photos. I remember standing excitedly in a long line at the A&P Supermarket to get the chance of seeing her in the flesh and get my very own signed picture. Later, when her show went off the air the rumor I heard was that it was because she had been in the porn industry before she began a second career in children's television, or some said a burlesque dancer in her prime. She was a blonde and a large breasted beauty. This idea sat in the back of my mind, percolating on a slow burner. I always assumed it to be true but evidently that was just the wagging tongues of those that wouldn't let this cowgirl ride off peacefully into the sunset.  She passed away in 2013 a couple of days after her 90th birthday. All told, I am glad the rumors of her wilder side turned out to be untrue.


The rich suburban ladies that came to see my mother perceived me as if I was a puppy or invisible, mostly. There was a bathroom in the back and some would go back there to change but others would change right where my mother would fit their dresses, standing about in panties and a bra, paying no attention to me whatsoever, or so it seemed while I watched TV and I paid no attention mostly although I recall feeling somewhat embarrassed at times as they would talk about this and that, shedding clothing and trying outfits on. There was a great big rack of clothes hanging in that basement, some finished and some waiting to be altered and I would run in and out between the dresses as a small child. My mom would pay me to take the pins out of skirts and dresses when she was finished sewing them. I got two cents for each skirt and a nickel for every dress. As I got older the women in their underthings made me more uncomfortable. Some of those suburban ladies must have enjoyed making me squirm as they continued to push the limits of common public standards as I grew from that age where one is a generic child and then transforms into awareness of being a male child.

Time and history are quite linear, perhaps. Events lead to events. Actions lead to reactions. But...There are key cultural, political, fundamental, historical, earth shattering moments that we may mark on a graph looking backwards but we miss or misunderstand at the time or they happen somewhere else or to someone else or our attention is somewhere else or we are just too young to understand.

Kennedy was killed and there was nothing on the television but a funeral procession, displacing the cartoons and soap operas and all for a while. That is how I remember the pivotal moment of American change when we lost that youthful and good looking fellow that so many Americans truly loved in a deep and personal way, his photo finding a place in many homes as would a religious icon. Years later, when I was too young to vote but old enough to make a small mark on electoral politics, I went door to door canvassing for the George McGovern Presidential campaign. In working class Catholic homes I would see the statues of saints and photos of the Pope and J.F.K. side by side.

The Beatles? I remember watching them on the Ed Sullivan TV show in Atlantic City at my grandparents’ place. I also remember wanting a Beatles haircut and my mom telling the barber to give me one, but cut it short she told him in a whisper. Afterwards I stood outside with tears rolling down my youthful cheeks, mourning the bangs that were not there and never would be.

The assassination of Martin Luther King I remember mostly because of cancelled school. Woodstock? I remember talking about it in the back seat of a car, a friend’s mom at the wheel. I thought it was cool, from what I had seen and heard of it through the lens of mass media. The mom at the wheel most definitely did not think it was a positive social phenomena. The police riots at the Chicago Democratic Convention, the Vietnam War and most of the anti war movement was also all second hand to me.


I abstractly identified with the Youth Movement at a young age but the great waves were happening to older people outside my circles and the waves were rolling and crashing on other shores. I do remember a very limited “underground” student paper we called The Printed Word - we got out one mimeographed edition if I remember correctly, maybe two. I remember a couple of us refusing to salute the flag and that may have gone on for two days. I remember shouting out a school bus window at a crossing guard something about police brutality in a most misplaced attempt to confront authority around the time of the Chicago riots.

I discovered more seriously underground newspapers at the Cherry Hill Library the year I was studying for my Bar Mitzvah. A few years later most of those papers had gone belly up. The sixties were over and I was in middle school.

I entered the public school system in ninth grade, which was at that time in a junior high school. It was a most awkward adjustment, or more accurately a maladjustment. There were six kids in my eighth grade graduating class where I was a big fish in a very small pond. I entered ninth grade to find myself to be one in a class of six hundred and felt seriously out of place, out of time and out of my element.

I spent a year in total panic. I withdrew deeply into myself. Every day, every moment was an existential threat on a personal, psychic level. In Southeast Asia the Vietnamese fought for their lives on a very physical plane. On the Homefront, the cultural fissures and political realities worked their way through the early 1970’s while I was stuck in the ninth grade of an overcrowded suburban Junior High School, done with what had come before and clueless about what is yet to be. I was certain, however that there must be more to it all. I searched for clues by dialing the FM radio to the far left and tuning into the discordant messaging from the underground via Philadelphia university student radio stations. Late at night secret messages were being sent out to kids like me throughout the listening range, seeding our innate anarchistic tendencies with rock and roll and the promise of sex and drugs and a life beyond what we could see.

Tuesday, August 14, 2018

Echoes, Rhymes and Rhythmic Patterns - The Beat Goes On




by Zvi Baranoff

History does not repeat itself, but sometimes it rhymes. In the echo chambers of modern political discourse the rhyming patterns are quite discordant.

The Bolsheviks did not invent propaganda, terror or authoritarianism. They did play a significant role in developing the techniques for the Twentieth Century and beyond. They certainly do not have exclusive rights to the dubious honors. Fascists and Theological Dictatorships use the same methodology. Mass communication did not create conditions of repression but have given the State a powerful tool.

The name Bolshevik epitomizes an important aspect of the propagandist. Bolshevik translates as “majority” and by claiming that mantle the opposition, the wide array of socialists and democrats, were left with the Menshevik (minority) label by default even though they outnumbered the Leninist cadre. The Leninist faction however were clearly more tightly organized and more willing in the quest for political power to ruthlessly use force.

One of the rippling side effects of the disastrous results of the Communist Revolution in Russia is that the terms socialism and communism are pretty much permanently damaged beyond use.

A significant problem that I see now is that the momentum of that tendency has devalued not only  these terms beyond usefulness but has reach the point of the destruction of nearly all the terms we use to describe and delineate the political terrain.  Everything has been muddled. This is amplified in social media but is true in the dialogue at large.

The terms in use have been so muddled and mangled that they have become worse than useless. Most political labels are now forms of disinformation. In the public discourse there is no common or shared understanding of terms and the political arguments are largely about drawing lines and gaining a foothold in the shifting power dynamics and not about policy or principles.

How do we discuss communitarian and collectivist approaches, liberty, green principles and democratic values without conjuring up the Communists, Libertarians, Green Party (in the USA, and not meant as a critique of any other Green party) and the Democratic Party? They have each, in their own way, done serious damage to perceptions of these concepts.

Left and Right as terms have become as useless as all the rest. (The “Center” is not particularly useful a term for that matter, although Mark Satin did quite nobly try to coin the term Radical Center a few decades back once he gave up on the American Greens.) A particularly sinister contributor to the destruction of the terms is the wraparound of the Red Brown (Leftists & Fascists) Coalition that has attempted to create common ground through the mangled dialects of anti globalism and has expressed itself in an ugly love fest of support for the Assad dictatorship .

These are complex matter that do not fit into the comment space on Facebook or in the haiku like format of Twitter. It will also not be clarified or even covered by the press because thinking is not newsworthy.

We live in critical times and proper, thoughtful political action is required. We need to do better than pour old wine into new bottles. We need, real understanding of the nature of the political and economic systems, quality ideas, useful policies and principled actions. And, we need a conscious tactical approach to acquiring and wielding political power without repeating the errors and sins of historic usurpers.

Clarity of language without propaganda, dogma, dialectics or distraction is what is called for. We need to step up and act with purpose because the house is on fire. No hyperbole here. There is a global crisis and it is up to us to act in unison, correctly. That is far easier said then done. Yet, we have no other choice.

Tuesday, June 12, 2018

Peace and Prosperity is at Hand



by Zvi Baranoff

We may be dazzled by the flag waving and the hand shaking and the document signing but a lot of multilateral and multilevel work went on behind the scene to bring us to this important historical moment.

Russia supplied a bevy of Russian call girls, highly trained in their profession. Dennis Rodman brought a couple of ounces of California's finest kush. China telecommunications firms assured world class quality phone service.

Of course, what clinched the deal was Donald Trump giving Kim the “best hand job ever” with promises of another session later on, according to White House insiders that would certainly know.

Details are still a little fuzzy but this is what we know so far:

Construction will begin soon on wonderful and glorious resorts in North Korea with high end condos and great golf courses and the most beautiful chocolate cake you have ever seen. The North Koreans assure that there is plenty of very reasonably priced labor sources at hand. While prison labor may not seem ideal at first glance, some see forced labor as a pathway to rehabilitation.

The North Korean regime has also offered to help the USA reform the American Prison System to eliminate waste and improve productivity in the often overlooked growth industry.

Wednesday, February 7, 2018

Realtors of an Alternative Reality

P.S. Etc.
Practical Solutions - Experimental Transitional Communities
Realtors of an Alternative Reality

🌎

We need to approach basic issues beginning at the base level.

There is a general view of the growing number of homeless people, pushed to the margins by circumstances and conditions largely beyond their control, as not only a problem but a tangle of nearly unsolvable problems. Almost totally missing from the public discourse is an awareness of the great potential just below the visual, easily observable surface.

There is a vibrancy to the shantytown, to the hobo camp, to a squatter's settlement that offers incredible opportunity.

Of course it is only temporary. Of course it is substandard and insufficient. It is also within grasp of voluntary action of free associated individuals without governmental funding, and we must start where things are.

With duct tape and bungee cords and tarps and PVC pipes, with broke down trailers, old buses, storage containers and sheds, shelter, at the most basic level, is possible in short time for all. Once we establish a security of shelter in place we have a foundation for creating longer term housing, sustainable gardens and small scale enterprises that serve community needs.

Everything begins with land. The ground under our feet defines our relationship with the spinning cosmos of the universe. When we can live securely in place we can use our labor and creativity to improve our lives and build on the foundations of our accomplishments. The Squatter’s Dilemma is that no place is secure so no efforts offer a longer term potential. Without securing the land under our feet, we have nothing to stand on, no place to pull ourselves up by our own bootstraps.

With a secure relationship to the land, everything changes. A temporary shelter, be it a tent, trailer or shed, can become a more secure and permanent home given time, creativity, materials and the freedom of action. Without establishment of a physical security of place, none of us can transcend the trappings of the dominant economic forces that consume us. Any sense of a free market and self reliance must start with that basic level of security. To establish the basis of self reliance we need to bring swaths of land into a new form of ownership, removing property from the commodity relationship of real estate. To do so, we need to bring some land into a long term trust or collective ownership to foster the experimental development of free, self reliant and interconnected community.

Without land we are landless peasants, toiling for others with little to show for it. When we control the land under our feet the entire dynamic changes. That is real transition.


Wednesday, January 24, 2018

Left, Right and Forward


by Zvi Baranoff


Looking both left and right before crossing the street is good practice, but perceiving the political landscape in terms of "Left" and "Right" misses the nuances that may be useful for moving forward. Ideology only holds so much water. Collective action from a principled perspective can bridge ideological self-definition. Attachments to the "isms" is focusing on the schisms and misses the possibilities of finding common ground.
A Sofa Party is a political party where all the members fit on a sofa. In a Sofa Party it is fairly easy for everyone to agree. There are always differences of opinion once you get beyond the limitations of a sofa.
All political parties are perpetually shifting coalitions. If we look at the two (currently) main American political parties the shifting sands of political reality clearly show that ideology for them is quite dispensable. The coalitions are built around the possibility of hobbling together a short term political win and not based on fundamental social analysis nor long term social planning. The ("progressive") Republican Party of Lincoln brought an end to slavery although it took a protracted and destructive civil war that increased the centralized power of the executive branch. The Republicans grew into the party that represented the interests of business while the Democratic Party painted itself more so as the party of the working class.
Roosevelt's "Progressive and Working Class" Democratic Party was a coalition that included the racist, all white Southern Democrats of the Jim Crow era, Northern liberals, union activists, leftists and other fellow travellers. This coalition largely held together until Lyndon Johnson. Segregationists (Democrats like George Wallace and Lestor Madox) left over issues of integration, becoming Republicans and the liberal/left wing was frayed over the Vietnam War. After Chicago Democrat Mayor Daly's Police Riot at the Democratic Convention many on the "Left" simply did not feel real at home with the Democratic Party. Of course, the Communists and their allies had already been thrown under the bus during the House Un-American Activities hearings (the McCarthy Era).
The big questions that our nation have faced are not so simply divided into terms of Left or Right or Democrat or Republican. Slavery, Women's Suffrage, Integration, War and Peace, Prohibition, Birth Control, Censorship, Global Warming, Gay Rights...these are matters that call for broad social agreements yet involved deep social fissures. The coalitions that are built around such issues are complex. One party or another may come to power over such issues but no party can stay in power simply on the basis of positioning on a social issue.
The politics and ramifications of Alcohol Prohibition exemplifies the point. Many felt it was a "progressive" next step in social development along with women obtained the vote. Thirteen years later most progressives were firmly lined up for repeal. Staying out of foreign wars is a reasonably "progressive" position but a unified front against fascism was adapted by most of the American Left during WW II with the exception of committed pacifists. A "progressive" working class position is pro union yet historically many unions have developed nativist, xenophobic positions that exclude wide segments of the working class. A notable exception is the organizing efforts of the internationalist IWW (Wobblies) but they were marginalized within the labor movement. The "Environment" and "Progress"  also have the great potential to both unify or divide. Large scale projects like rural electrification may have seemed "progressive" at the time but in retrospect raise serious ecological concerns. Conservation of public lands likewise may seemingly serve the interests of one class or another, depending on the era and one's perspective. Ideology alone does not easily address any of these issues.
The "Progressive" Democratic Party took us into Vietnam. Democrats and Republicans kept the War going. Active opposition in the streets and a growing disillusionment throughout the general population as well as the committed military resistance of Vietnamese Nationalists coalesced to the point of the American withdrawal and the fall of the US backed Saigon regime. Now Vietnam is an economic trading partner.
Nixon declared a War on Drugs but it took decades to build a widespread anti-war sentiment. Many so-called "Progressives" were Drug War Hawks until recently, including such notables as Jesse Jackson.  A seismic shift has taken place and the calls for more enforcement and more punishment have all but disappeared. The coalitions built around drug reform and marijuana legalization reached way beyond the limits of ideological positioning and Party Lines. Some "Progressives" are still mouthing Prohibitionist positions and resisting Cannabis Legalization.
The German Green Party formed based on principles rather than ideology. They coined the slogan Neither Left nor Right but Forward. This is a useful way of approaching broad social issues because it allows us to get beyond our ideological perspectives and reach out to folks that self-define from ideological perspectives other than our own.
The best hope for moving forward on any broad social issues is when the ideological divisions break down and folks speak one to one beyond their limiting worldviews. Meeting with individuals or groups regardless of significant disagreement is the way to move resolutions forward.
Nixon met with Mao. Arafat met with Sharon. Dan Quale spoke at a Negro College Fund event. That did not mean that Nixon embraced Marxism any more than Arafat had become a Zionist and Quale did not become an Afro-American. Seeking common ground with Libertarians does not make one a crypto-capitalist any more than listening to Wagner or reading Ezra Pound means that one is a fascist sympathizer. The world is far more nuanced than that.
Folks that self-define by one political ideology or another do so because they find some common understanding but most people see, at least to some extent, beyond the "Party Line". Some Libertarians are quick to label everything "socialist" as Stalinism and many on the left are quick to write all Libertarians off as corporate stooges. Both elements fail to grasp the subtleties involved. However, I don't think it is unreasonable to hope for the development of a working class fusion that brings together individual liberty and common social responsibility into a largely voluntary cooperative culture and economy.
The terms left and right and liberal and conservative and progressive and reactionary are all shorthand that shortchange our hopes of discovering common ground. Ultimately we need to turn from such a self limiting analytical perspective to seek out what is true, effective and useful rather than what fits into our ideological molds. When we can stretch our world view, we can begin to see what can be. What is ahead of us is forward and not in the rear view mirror and surely not Left or Right. We must press for principle based solutions. As such, individuals that agree on specific policies, without consideration of ideology and political alignment, can find common ground and ways to work together. In States that have Initiative or Referendum processes, very broad coalitions can work together to bring about some very significant changes to social policy.
In no way, however, do I imply that a common political front can be formed with fascists or those with fascistic tendencies. There has been some unfortunate overlap of nihilistic perspectives and attempts to bridge the gap of the political fringes. There is a nebulous theory that with enough social chaos a popular uprising will lead to some sort of magical remaking of the social contract. The corollary is that anyone in stated opposition to corporations and the State are allies.  This sort of “thinking” leads to a dangerous path with no hope of any sort of positive outcome.
The most radical sounding positions and platforms are often distractions from bringing about the truly fundamental political and social shifts that are needed. They serve as a way to spin off support from the broader movement. To bring about a seismic shift in how American people understand and interact with the political process we need to be able to communicate transformative ideas in a way that connects with how they already understand their world. On the whole, Americans are not ideological.
Where a conservative argument can be presented for a practical solution, as in the harm reduction and economic consideration for drug policy reform, this is the optimal way of building a broad and effective coalition. Worth noting is that in the 2016 general election in Florida, Medical Marijuana garnered over 60% of the vote. In the same election neither of the two major party candidates cleared the 50% point and Trump edged out Clinton by a mere 1%. Clearly a fair number of conservatives voted yes on this issue.
We need to promote a transitional, postindustrial, environmentally aware and justice centered agenda through all the mechanisms available, including the electoral process, and that sort of platform transcends the traditional definitions of liberal and conservative and call for a whole new paradigm. All coalitions are temporary, relatively short-term relationships. The nature of the American electoral process deems necessary entering into an extended coalition relationship within one of the major political parties to be able to exert influence on policy decisions. At this time the only viable coalition open to this sort of analysis is within the Democratic Party. This is certainly true for at least the next two election cycles. In 2020 we will have the opportunity to put theory into practice, if we are part of the governing coalition. That is where the rubber hits the road.